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Public Financing Vs. Democracy On The Auction Block
By Mike Tully
SANTA FE, New Mexico - Messrs. Franzi and Danehy, in their
"Liberal-Conservative Manifesto," conclude their attack on public
financing of elections with this statement: "(P)ublic funding is
ultimately MORE dangerous to the democratic process than all that
special interest money will ever be."
That’s a mouthful. More dangerous than special interest money
will ever be?
A claim of that sort, rooted in the future, requires a consistent
and predictable environment if it’s going to make any sense at all.
In other words, conditions have to be more or less the same in order
for such a statement to make any logical sense. Based on everything
we’ve known, the authors of the Manifesto imply, public financing
will always be more dangerous than special interest money. The
premise of unchanged conditions is unsound. Like it or not, things
change, and change can make today’s brilliance tomorrow’s folly.
I don’t agree that the participation of Andrew Thomas and Dick
Mahoney in the election process argues against public financing any
more than the participation of Joe Sweeney or Ed Finkelstein argues
against the traditional process. Neither process is exclusionary,
nor should it be. The inference that the electorate requires a
pre-qualified class of candidates implies the political ethos of
Socrates, and we all know what Socrates’ elitism led him to.
Pluralism in politics is good. The argument that public financing is
politically incorrect because it invites the gadfly is unpersuasive.
Public financing didn’t work in New Jersey, complain the authors
of the Manifesto, so we should not try it in Arizona. Why did it not
work in New Jersey? Because of "the ongoing corruption that is part
of that state's basic political culture." Shame on New Jersey, but
that is a condition unique to the Garden State. Do the Authors claim
a similar "culture" in Arizona? The last time I looked, Arizona
politicians didn’t have the smarts, experience, or moxie to create a
culture of corruption. We have occasional hiccups of corruption like
most states, but the comparison to New Jersey is unconvincing and
misplaced.
The Authors also state, "(Public funding) allows select
bureaucrats, like City clerks in Arizona, the power to decide which
candidates get their public funding quickly, and who waits while
more ‘investigation’ is done." I wasn’t aware there was a history of
the Tucson City Clerk holding up funding with "investigations", but
maybe that has happened somewhere, or maybe it might happen
somewhere. If such a problem exists in Arizona, I’m sure it can be
fixed. Most things can be fixed.
Which brings us to the real issue, the one that was missing from
the pages of the Manifesto: the problem with the current system.
That returns us to the false premise of unchanged conditions.
Conditions are changing and the trends are alarming. Elected
officials divert more of their time and energy to fund-raising than
ever before. Media buys are through the roof. In South Dakota alone
last year, more than 26,000 television ads ran in the Senate race.
That’s a lot of money for out-of-state ad agencies and a reminder
that they are already part of the political landscape, with or
without public funding. There is nothing esoteric about 26 thousand
TV ads. That’s a leaflet drop with electrons.
But it’s not just the magnitude of the funds expended that
bothers me. Heck, I like it when insurance companies pour millions
into Arizona to lose initiative elections. That’s good for the local
economy, local TV stations, radio stations, and so on.
Unfortunately, many are no longer local TV stations and radio
stations. As the FCC recklessly encourages media consolidation,
local allegiances are replaced by remote bottom lines and "local"
becomes an outmoded concept. Corporations – not necessarily American
– are devouring localism around the globe, and the United States has
not escaped that phenomenon. Our media, unfortunately, are becoming
less trustworthy.
There was a time when The Fairness Doctrine and the Equal Time
provision afforded some protection for minority voices and prevented
any media armada from monopolizing the marketplace of ideas. Those
regulations were swept away in the Reagan era. They were no longer
necessary, said their critics, because the growth of cable TV would
provide sufficient channels for the expression of all ideas. That
might have made sense with the premise that things would not change.
Of course, things did change, and Clear Channel and its ilk gobbled
up local voices from coast to coast. Does Clear Channel have clout?
Ask the Dixie Chicks.
This is where I part ways with Tom and Emil. I disagree with
their premise that public financing will always be more dangerous to
the democratic process than special interest (private) financing.
Public financing will never enjoy the sheer magnitude of dollars
disgorged by the current system, nor will it encumber so much
productive time of our elected officials. More dangerously, there
are insufficient safeguards against the broadcast monopolies
suppressing certain points of view. Legally, broadcast licenses are
public property and must be used in the public interest.
Unfortunately, the federal government’s generosity with the media
conglomerates has funneled opinion into an ever-narrowing sluice of
information sources. What comes out is driven by the self-interest
of the conglomerates, not by any rational definition of public
interest.
There is, sadly, insufficient protection against monopolization
of American media and American politics and the loss of an informed
electorate. Given this lack of protection, public financing is not a
feel-good idea, it’s a tourniquet.
The Equal Time rule and the Fairness Doctrine might have
sufficiently cooled the political reactor so that public financing
would not be necessary. But those safeguards are gone and there is
nothing out there, nothing, that American citizens can rely upon to
challenge the tsunami of mis-and-disinformation. There is no defense
against election after election being purchased by money and lies.
There is no defense against the democratic process being subverted
by faceless powers with hidden agendas. I believe the American
people deserve better.
Given the current trends, I support public financing of
elections.
July 30, 2003 |
Mike has been writing a regular column on
Inside Track
Online since July 1, 2003. |